Publisher: Oxford University Press, New Delhi
Year: 2001
Pages: 271
Price: Rs.595
ISBN: 019565520-6
The Muslims of Bengal, including the present-day
state of Bangladesh and the Indian state of West Bengal, form the single
largest Muslim ethnic group in the world after the Arabs. This book, a
collection of ten essays, seeks to provide a broad overview of the Bengali
Muslim identity. Although each of the essays deals with a particular aspect
of Islam in Bengal, they all seek to grapple with what, for many Bengali
Muslims, has seemed an almost insoluble dilemma -- whether they are Bengalis
first or Muslims, and how their ethnic loyalties can be reconciled with
the demands of a faith that transcends national boundaries. Little is known
about how the Bengal countryside, particularly the eastern part of the
province, located far from the centers of Muslim political rule, emerged
as the home to the largest number of Muslims in the South Asian sub-continent.
Richard Eaton, in his brilliantly researched essay, explores the fascinating
process of the Islamization of the people of eastern Bengal, a process
that he believes began in the sixteenth century. He writes that conversion
to Islam was actually discouraged by the Mughal governors of the province,
but, despite this opposition, large masses of Bengalis turned Muslim. Relying
on hagiographies of local Sufi saints and Mughal land records, he argues
that the process of Islamization in Bengal must be seen as, above all,
a result of the agrarian policy of the Mughals. Mughal governors, eager
to augment their revenues from the land, provided rent-free land grants
to both Hindus as well as Muslims to cut down the dense forests in the
eastern parts of the province and bring them under settled cultivation.
The Muslim pioneers in this region employed local, largely aboriginal tribal
people, as cultivators on the new lands. After their deaths they began
being revered as saints, being attributed with supernatural powers. Gradually,
these aboriginal people were Islamized, a process that did not reject previously-held
beliefs directly, but accommodated Islamic elements within pre-existing
cosmologies. Hence, conversion to Islam in eastern Bengal, as indeed in
many other parts of India, took the form of an extended process of cultural
change over several generations, rather than a sudden and complete change
in identity, beliefs and allegiances. Because of the nature of the process
of Islamization in Bengal, the Bengali Muslims continue to share much in
terms of world-views, beliefs and practices with non-Muslim Bengalis, a
phenomenon which Ralph Nichols observes in his paper on Islam and Vaishnavism
in rural Bengal. While many ulema and Muslim reformers see this shared
tradition as a sign of incomplete conversion or as ‘unlawful innovation’
(bid‘at), Nichols seems to suggest that it was actually through
developing this shared tradition that Islam was able to make headway in
Bengal in the first instance, successfully expressing itself in terms which
the Bengali peasants would find understandable. Peter Bertocci examines,
in his contribution, the way in which rural Bengali Muslims understand
their faith in precisely these local terms, drawing close parallels between
institutions and identities that both Bengali Muslims and Hindus construct
their own social worlds.
The local Bengali expression of Islam
(a term I deliberately use in place of the more commonly used expression
Bengali Islam) is not a static, unchanging phenomenon, however. From the
eighteen century onwards, reformers and radicals have been active in Bengal,
seeking to purge the Bengali form of Islam of what are seen as ‘un-Islamic
accretions’, seeking to bring it in line with a shari‘ah-centric
scripturalist understanding of Islam. Muhammad Shah’s paper looks at this
process of reform in the context of the Khilafat movement in the
early years of the twentieth century, arguing that one of the principal
aims of the Bengali activists in the movement to protect the Ottoman Khilafat
was to reform the Bengali Muslim tradition, bringing it closer to a
shari‘ah-centred understanding of Islam as defined by the reformist
ulema. Yet, the Khilafatists were not alone in seeking to redefine
the ways in which the Bengali Muslims understood their faith at this time.
Sonia Amin, in her paper on Rokeya Sakhawat Hossein, the pioneer of Bengali
Muslim women’s education, and Shahadat Khan, in his article on the reformist
and anti-colonial activist Kazi Abdul Wadud, show how a different agenda
for the Bengali Muslims was also being articulated at this time, centred
on issues of modern education, women’s rights and inter-communal harmony.
Despite the efforts of reformists, whether ulema or modern, western-educated
Muslims, the Bengali Muslims have been unable, the book suggests, to comfortably
reconcile their twin identities: as Bengalis, on the one hand, and as Muslims
on the other. Joseph O’Connell discusses the ways in which Bengali Muslim
self-identity has undergone radical shifts in the course of the previous
century. Pitted against the Hindu ‘upper’ caste bhadralok, Bengali Muslims
enthusiastically supported the cause for the separate Muslim state of Pakistan,
stressing their religious identity over their ethnic identity. Yet, not
long after the creation of Pakistan, a strong movement based on a sense
of a separate Bengali identity, pitted against what was seen as the oppressive
West Pakistani ‘Other’, emerged, galvanizing itself as a mass movement
that ultimately succeeded in creating the basis of the new state of Bangladesh.
O’Connell contends that torn apart as the Bangladeshis are between their
Islamic and Bengali identities, a new understanding of national identity
must be articulated, one based on humanism, not shunning religion altogether,
but drawing inspiration from humanist strands in the various different
religions that are practiced in the country. This calls for a redefinition
of what it means to be a Bangladeshi Muslim today, seeking to express Islam
in a manner that takes into account modern sensibilities on issues related
to pluralism, democracy, human rights, and the rights of women and religious
minorities. This is a point also made by Shelly Feldman in her paper on
gender and Islam. The process may not be smooth, however. As Enayatur Rahim
shows in his brilliantly argued piece on the Jama‘at-i-Islami in
Bangladesh, hostility to ethnic aspirations and local identities, and an
unwillingness to reflect and redefine perspectives in the face of new situations
on the part of influential Islamist groups in the country do not help make
matters simpler for this task of developing new visions of religion. Overall,
this book excels as an overview of the social history of the Bengal Muslims.
The scant attention paid to the Muslims of West Bengal and the Bengali-speaking
Muslims of Assam and Tripura, and the silence on the Tablighi Jama‘at,
easily the single largest Islamic movement in Bangladesh and on the contemporary
Bengali ulama are, however, unfortunate. But, perhaps, that can be left
for another book.
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